“Since I took over leadership of Marte, I have improved conditions for detainees,” says Silvio,* a mediator between inmates and local authorities at this temporary detention center in the port city of Buenaventura, on Colombia’s Pacific coast.
For decades, Buenaventura has been the crown jewel of drug trafficking along Colombia’s Pacific corridor. Despite being one of the country’s poorest municipalities, it is home to the main port on this part of the coast, through which over 30% of imports arrive. Its proximity to coca-growing and cocaine production zones has made it a prime target for criminal actors—both local and international.
Silvio picks up a white plastic tray containing the day’s lunch. Although the tray has several compartments, only one is filled—with rice and meat.
“This is a decent meal. Before, we sometimes went without protein, or the food was spoiled. That’s why I always taste it before my fellow inmates get their portions,” he says.
Conditions in Marte are dire. Built to hold 100 detainees, the facility currently houses nearly 500.
Before the ceasefire collapsed, the truce extended into Marte.
“What happens out there, we replicate in here,” says a Shottas-affiliated inmate. “Since we’ve had the truce, there were no fights between gangs in Marte. We even played soccer together,” he adds.
Marte is a microcosm of Buenaventura, where state neglect has strengthened criminal groups’ control, governance, and influence over the illegal economies that fuel violence. And now, the people of Buenaventura are anxiously awaiting what comes next.
Crime and Governance
Marte, the temporary detention center in Buenaventura. Credit: Henry Shuldiner / InSight Crime .
Some cells in Marte contain relatively luxurious amenities such as refrigerators, makeshift stores, televisions, and sound systems. The gangs also have ways of smuggling drugs into the facility to sell them inside. As the smell of marijuana permeates the air, some detainees use cellphones—presumably to extort people outside the prison. State presence in Marte is barely perceptible, with only two guards at the entrance and one patrolling the premises, allowing detainees to operate with relative impunity.
This level of criminal control is mirrored in Buenaventura.
The Shottas and Espartanos have carved out invisible borders across the city, acted as enforcers in social disputes, and established widespread criminal governance. These rival groups emerged from the 2020 fragmentation of the Local, a once-unified gang. Since then, they have turned to extortion and drug trafficking to finance their operations.
While cell leaders manage small stores within Marte, the Shottas and Espartanos dictate the prices of basic goods and other commodities—like cement—throughout Buenaventura. The community is at their mercy. They decide which merchants can sell goods like potatoes, who they must buy from, and how much consumers must pay. Vendors are then forced to pay an additional “tax” or extortion fee on the products they sell.
Reports of extortion fell by 20% between January and September 2024, compared to the same period in 2023, according to Lieutenant John Freddy Cabrera of the Colombian police’s Unified Action Groups for Personal Liberty (Grupos de Acción Unificada por la Libertad Personal – GAULA). However, rather than being a sign of progress, this decline is driven by victims’ fear of retaliation from the gangs.
These extortion fees vary by product. For instance, sellers pay approximately 3,000 Colombian pesos ($0.68) per bag of cement and 2,000 pesos ($0.46) per sack of potatoes—but they can only purchase these goods from suppliers approved by the gangs, according to civil society organizations that requested anonymity for security reasons.
“Extortion is their lifeline. It’s not going away,” said a district government official, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Drug Trafficking: an engine of violence
The Shottas and Espartanos are the primary service providers for drug trafficking in Buenaventura’s urban areas. They work for independent trafficking networks, some of which are run by traffickers who have masked their criminal activities behind legitimate businesses—including former members of Colombia’s once-dominant drug cartels such as the Cali Cartel and the Norte del Valle Cartel.
Inside and outside Marte, Buenaventura’s two main gangs—the Shottas and the Espartanos—have consolidated their territorial control through drug trafficking and extortion. However, they remain locked in a bloody and cyclical battle for dominance over these criminal economies. In October 2022, both groups agreed to a truce under President Gustavo Petro’s Total Peace (Paz Total) policy, leading to 92 consecutive days without homicides. But on February 5, the deadline for renewing the truce passed, and violence returned.
The gangs also work with larger criminal groups like the Gaitanist Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia – AGC). Their services include transporting cocaine from storage sites to shipping containers or speedboats bound for the Pacific Ocean, and guarding drug shipments in urban areas.
Drug trafficking has also left its mark on Marte, where independent traffickers await sentencing.
“Some are from Costa Rica or Panama. There aren’t many, but they’re here,” Silvio whispers.
These detainees are not necessarily gang-affiliated—they were caught smuggling drugs by boat on the high seas.
The drug trade in Buenaventura starts in the neighboring department of Cauca, where the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional – ELN) and dissident factions of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – FARC) control coca cultivation and cocaine production in clandestine labs. From there, the drugs are transported via rivers into Buenaventura.
A container ship departing from Buenaventura’s port. Credit: Juliana Manjarrés / InSight Crime.
Buenaventura’s strategic location has also led to outbreaks of violence in the southern part of the department, particularly in the Pradera and Florida areas, where FARC dissidents fight for territorial control to continue drug trafficking and illegal mining operations.
Behind Bars: Peace and War
Silvio has been Marte’s leader for nearly two years. His responsibilities include mediating conflicts among detainees and acting as the liaison between inmates and local authorities. He communicates the facility’s needs to government officials, including handling food deliveries and advocating for better detention conditions.
It remains unclear who will replace him when he is released. “I worry about what will happen in Marte, especially when I leave. This role requires someone level-headed, but many people here react impulsively to any situation,” he says.
A mural in Buenaventura pictures peace. Credit: Juliana Manjarrés / InSight Crime
His concerns are well-founded. The war between the Shottas and Espartanos reignited even before the truce expired. January saw a wave of targeted killings by the gangs, indicating that hostilities had resumed. In that month alone, 17 homicides were recorded.
Uncertainty lurks on the streets of Buenaventura as tensions escalate following the breakdown of the truce on February 5. Without an agreement to curb violence, the conflict between the Shottas and Espartanos is likely to intensify, potentially triggering a surge in homicides.
Marte will not be spared.
“I used to never leave my cell because a fight could break out at any moment, and I had to be ready to run,” says one detainee. “Now, I can actually go outside into the yard.”
But with gang violence reigniting, it is only a matter of time before that small privilege disappears.
Sara García and Henry Shuldiner contributed to this report.
* This name has been changed to protect the identity of the interviewee.
Featured Image: Inmates behind bars at the Marte detention center in Buenaventura, Colombia. Credit: Defensoría del Pueblo.
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