The DEA Violated Mexico’s Sovereignty And Betrayed Calderón And Peña Nieto.

Latin America World

 “Char” for Borderland Beat 

This article was translated and reposted from PROCESO 

An SRE document obtained by Proceso reveals that for 10 years the DEA took advantage of the concessions given to them by the Calderón and Peña Nieto administrations to carry out espionage work against two members of the presidential cabinet.


JULY 1, 2024

WASHINGTON – The DEA’s interference, espionage, constitutional violations and violations of Mexico’s sovereignty are the result of the increase in its agents and technical administrative personnel authorized by Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña Nieto.
The narco-corruption in the six-year terms of Calderón and Peña Nieto was taken advantage of by Washington, which during those periods got the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE) to authorize the DEA to increase the number of its agents from 54 to 70 and from 32 to 41 administrative technicians.
An SRE document obtained by Proceso exposes what the Calderón and Peña Nieto administrations hid regarding the concessions they made to the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), which took advantage of this to stab them in the back.
Until the publication of this text, it was publicly known that the DEA had 54 agents and 32 administrative technicians operating in Mexico, including analysts, specialists in espionage technology and computerized equipment.
In a period of 10 years, the DEA bent the governments of Calderón and Peña Nieto, who agreed to allow another 16 U.S. anti-drug police, who operated freely throughout Mexican territory and later betrayed their friends.
In total, the DEA in Mexico has a staff of 111 elements, who now, under the presidency of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, are limited and subject to the changes of the Security Law, by which they must submit a monthly report of their activities to the Foreign Ministry.
The increased presence of DEA agents in Mexico reflected their interference and betrayals to Calderón and Peña Nieto, which the U.S. Justice Department justified in the name of the fight against drug trafficking and narco-corruption in those two six-year terms.
Confident that their allies in the DEA would cooperate in their omissions, negligence and favors towards some drug cartels, Calderon and Peña Nieto never imagined that the U.S. agents would expose their sins and failures in the war on drugs.
On December 9, 2019, in Dallas, Texas, Genaro García Luna, his friend, advisor, confidant, right-hand man and Secretary of Public Security, was arrested for drug trafficking.
On the night of October 15, 2020, almost two years after the end of Peña Nieto’s six-year term, the DEA arrested General Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda, the former president’s Secretary of National Defense, in Los Angeles, California, on charges of collusion with drug trafficking.
García Luna will be sentenced on June 24 by Judge Brian Cogan, of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District in Brooklyn, New York. This same court, on November 18, 2020, thanks to the intervention of López Obrador’s government, dismissed the charges against Cienfuegos.
These two cases are examples of how, with the increase in agents and technical administrative personnel, the DEA was able to carry out extensive espionage and wiretapping in Mexico.
As was demonstrated in the trial against García Luna and as promised to be evidenced in the judicial process that never happened, the DEA intercepted and recorded telephone conversations of members of two presidential cabinets and we do not know if they were also of the presidents.
The threat that the Lopez Obrador administration made to the Justice Department to expel the 70 DEA agents from Mexico, as Proceso detailed in detail, explains Washington’s swift decision to dismiss the charges and repatriate Cienfuegos Zepeda.
From October 26, 1992, until April 2020, DEA personnel accredited in Mexico were governed under the “Specific Rules to Regulate the Activities of Agents and Specialized Technicians,” as dictated by the document defined by the SRE.
“The agents and specialized technical personnel of the DEA will be a maximum of 39 elements with agent status and 32 administrative or specialized technicians,” says the 13-page official document defined at the time by the Mexican Foreign Ministry.
Since that October 1992, under the presidency of Carlos Salinas de Gortari, the function and distribution of DEA agents in Mexico had objectives of interference conditioned to the progress in the fight against drug trafficking and drug traffickers.